Of Bhakts and Bhakti Movements in Indian politics, when The Gods and Goddesses are all too Human
Edited: 28-Oct-18
As most Indians would know, bhakti means devotion to God. The Bhakti Movement, which has its origin in Medieval India, was characterised by complete surrender of oneself to God, the love of a selfless devotee or bhakt. According to an insightful article on Bhakti Movement, “Bhakti poets emphasized surrender to god”.
As most Indians would know, bhakti means devotion to God. The Bhakti Movement, which has its origin in Medieval India, was characterised by complete surrender of oneself to God, the love of a selfless devotee or bhakt. According to an insightful article on Bhakti Movement, “Bhakti poets emphasized surrender to god”.
Let’s shift to a different world – that of post-Independence
politics in India.
Indian politics witnessed a landmark development in May 2014.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secured power in the Lok Sabha election with a
clear majority – a feat not achieved by any government since 1984, and never by
any party other than the Indian National Congress (INC). Between the elections
of 2009 and 2014, there was a generational shift within the BJP – a generation
of politicians who had been its most prominent face since it was formed in
1980, and before that of the Jan Sangh over the previous decades, stepped aside
for Narendra Modi, the then Chief Minister of Gujarat, who became BJP’s Prime
Ministerial candidate for the 2014 Lok Sabha election. He was sworn in as Prime
Minister on 26-May, 2014. But before this momentous occasion, there is over a
decade of high visibility and controversy associated with him.
Narendra Modi as Chief Minister of Gujarat, and the riots of 2002
He became Chief Minister of Gujarat in 2001, soon after the
devastating earthquake of 2001. He led his party to victory in 2002, 2007 and
2012 elections in the state – a difficult achievement for any party these days
in Indian politics.
Many have observed that his rule as Chief Minister led to
positive change across the state. The ‘Gujarat Model’ for development was much
talked about. Former Deputy Prime Minister Shri LK Advani, one of the most
visible and well-respected politicians of India, in his autobiography ‘My
Country, My Life’, has praised Narenda Modi. Apart from him many well-regarded
voices outside Indian politics had words of praise for the then Chief Minister.
Ratan Tata lavished
praise on the Chief Minister in the last decade, as did industrialists Anil
Ambani and Sunil Mittal. Such praise for a politician is usually difficult
to come across in India. Clearly, some of the most prominent Indians saw hope
for India with Narendra Modi as its Prime Minister. The INC too seems to have
spotted his potential a long time ago.
Apart from its success stories Narendra Modi’s tenure as
Chief Minister is also known for the Hindu-Muslim riots in Gujarat in 2002,
which saw the death of about a thousand people, approximately three quarter of
them being Muslim, the rest Hindu. Since those months in 2002 till this date,
BJP’s opponents (even some allies or former allies) and sections of media have
blamed Narendra Modi for those riots. Horrifying stories of the “pogrom” have
found their way in the media. International media has long blamed him, and USA
went to the extent of denying the Chief Minister a visa for several years – a
stand Washington had to climb down on when Narendra Modi became Prime Minister.
There’s so much that has been said and written against him
over the 2002 riots, that it’s hard for a whole lot of people to differentiate
the truth from lies and damned lies. Shri L K Advani’s autobiography, in which
he’s devoted a whole chapter to the riots, gives meaningful context to the 2002
riots in Gujarat. That notwithstanding, Narendra Modi may well be the most attacked
Indian politician of all times. But in spite of a sustained vicious campaign
against him, he did manage to secure a majority for his party in the Lok Sabha
election of 2014, based on what he had delivered in Gujarat over 12 years, and
what he promised to deliver to the people of India if he were to become Prime
Minister. Given the savage, sustained and widespread campaign against him, this
was a tremendous achievement.
To be fair, at least some percentage of votes in favour of
BJP could be attributed to the widespread unpopularity the Congress-led United
Progressive Alliance (UPA) had earned over 10 years of rule from 2004-14, with
mega scams rolling out during the second term of UPA.
During this period, the UPA also used means a government in
a democracy should never use, to malign BJP in general and Narendra Modi in
particular. Sections of media were controlled by their political masters in the
Congress and its allies. He was morphed by subservient sections of media into a
monster, probably because Congress and allies saw him as a possible Prime
Ministerial candidate in future. But Prime Minister he did become in spite of the sustained high voltage campaign!
Jogging one’s memories on a few embarrassing moments in history associated with Nehru-Gandhi family
Indira Gandhi was the second longest serving (after her
father) Prime Minister of India. Perhaps the strongest negative memory
associated with her rule is the Emergency of the mid-seventies. But among her
less talked about legacies was her tendancy to surround herself with yes men
and reward sycophants. The book ‘All The Prime Minister’s Men’ gives deep
insights into this. One of the men by her side, DK Barooah declared in the
seventies that “India is Indira and Indira is India”. Not only was he comparing
an individual to the largest political party then, but to world’s largest
democracy. Lastly, after her father, she gave nepotism in Indian politics a big
push by making her son Rajiv, an Indian Airlines pilot, the president of her
party, after her politically ambitious son Sanjay died in an air crash.
After Indira was assassinated on the morning of 31-Oct-84, before sunset Rajiv was sworn in as Prime
Minister of India. It is well known that at least one senior minister in the
Cabinet who was aspirational of the Prime Minister’s post. Before long he was
out of the party, while Rajiv ruled for five years after he was elected to
power in December 1984.
In spite of professional experience of being a pilot, and no
administrative experience whatsoever, Rajiv was the darling of sections of
English press. Few journalists openly questioned his capability as Prime
Minister. It’s also worth recalling he presided over a pogrom that resulted in
the slaughter of over 3000 Sikhs as Indira’s admirers and worshippers (or so
INC would like us to believe) allegedly vented their rage at members of the
Sikh community in Delhi since Indira’s assassins themselves were Sikh.
After the unprecedented mandate that Rajiv managed to secure
for the INC, he had a dream run with sections of the English media. There were
goof-ups galore by the raw Rajiv, who had less-than-elementary knowledge of
history, nor any experience in governance. But some sections of media
maintained an unwavering commitment towards him. However, the limited media heat
did get on him and it was reported that one of his ministers (who in the
nineties and 2004-14 was a very powerful Union minister) advised him to
introduce the Defamation
Bill of 1988. To the credit of Indian media, they protested in large
numbers at Delhi’s boat club at the outrageous bill, and in spite of his brute
majority in Lok Sabha, Rajiv had to eat
humble pie on the anti-democratic bill. Just over a year later, Rajiv’s government
was voted out of power.
One may also recall that within a short while after his
assassination, there were voices
within the INC asking his widow, the Italian born Sonia, to step into the
vacuum created by Rajiv’s death. One does not recall the prominent citizens of
the intellectual world saying this was a crazy and undemocratic stand by the
INC. Nor does one recall journalists whose words carried significant weight
writing editorials at the absurdity of the INC’s stand, and embarrassment it
was for the largest democracy in the world.
In 1998, the still-mysterious Sonia made a backdoor entry to
the president’s post of INC, India’s oldest political party. One doesn’t recall
many powerful voices in media commenting on the absurdity of this development.
A year later when midterm Lok Sabha elections were to be held, Sonia decided to
contest elections and did so from two constituencies. It may also be recalled
that at least one media channel hosting a programme called ‘The Big Fight’ in
their promotion pitted her against the much admired politician and BJP’s Prime
Ministerial candidate Atal Behari Vajpayee. This was a serious compliment to
Sonia, one which she had in no way earned! Few, including my late father,
questioned the audacity of Sonia’s Prime Ministerial aspiration. The original
article, published in The Economic Times,
is no longer available. I have reproduced its content below my blog post.
Sonia won from both constituencies she contested in,
defeating the experienced former minister and outstanding orator, Sushma
Swaraj, and became Leader of Opposition of Lok Sabha in 1999. Her conduct was
less than becoming of the Leader of Opposition. She once said PM Vajpayee has
lost his mental balance. She also accused him of being a liar. Another time,
she shouted at LK Advani on conclusion of the Parliament session when he walked
up to her to exchange pleasantries.
Six years later, after Bharatiya Janata Party’s defeat in
the Lok Sabha election, suddenly the still mysterious Sonia was a step away
from becoming Prime Minister of India. These are some visuals associated with
her “humbly” declining to become PM, along with the passionate reactions of
some MPs who made it to the Cabinet sworn in soon after.
While she declined the constitutional post, she did rule
this country by creating an extra-constitutional body called National Advisory Council (NAC), which
she headed, and which “advised” the Prime Minister of India – her own appointee
who had not even won a Lok Sabha election.
For a very large number of Indians, the string of mega scams
the UPA was accused of made it perhaps the most unpopular government since
Indira Gandhi’s in mid-seventies. It’s no surprise that the Lok Sabha election
of 2014, besides giving a majority to the BJP in Lok Sabha, also gave India’s
oldest part, led by Sonia, its most humiliating moment in with just 44 seats to
its credit.
The ecosystem established by the Congress over the last 70
years was out of power, but only formal power. The campaign against Narendra
Modi in particular stayed. Various choreographed performances kept recurring
over the years. With the 40th year of the Emergency, the darkest,
most shameful chapter of independant India’s history round the corner, the “award
vapsi” performance began, with writers and other prominent people in some
pockets of India returning their awards, given to them by governments much
earlier, to protest what they called attacks on minority communities,
specifically Muslims and Christians. These “protests” have occurred in some
form or the other since 2015 with predictable regularity, often weeks before
some state goes for elections. Media has contributed to giving them publicity
without asking these protestors questions that would expose their hypocrisy.
The role of social media in Indian politics
During the Emergency, and during the late Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi’s rule, the only TV channels available were controlled by the
government. Propaganda via these was easy! The nineties saw the rise of several
news channels all over India. Quite like print media, these channels have had
obvious political alignments. Some have been accused of being PR houses of
political parties. For a decade they telecast (probably even helped design) a
no holds barred, sustained attack on Narendra Modi, as Gujarat continued to be
ruled by his government.
The last decade also saw the rise and popularisation of
social media – the free platform to express oneself, with limited control over
expression. It also offers people to be faceless, and vanish quickly.
Politicians like Narendra Modi joined social media early and have a following
of a few crore people on Twitter. With a large following come a variety of
comments – ranging from objective support to blind faith and vicious attacks.
The option of anonymity that social media gives, helps in the last.
Social media makes it possible for its members to display the
ugly side of human nature. And no one on social media is protected from these
attacks. Recently, a vocal spokesperson of INC and her family member were
issued offensive and dangerous threats, allegedly by a position-holder in BJP. While
one hopes the law catches up with him, it’s hard to regulate content on social
media. People express themselves in the craziest ways and it’s not easy for anyone
to control them directly. But do offensive utterances have to be seen as offensive
utterances or should they be force-fitted in the recently fabricated mould of
Modi bhakts? They may well be but if they have stepped out of the law, let the
law catch up with them.
What’s Bhakti got to do with it?
The last few years have witnessed the introduction of a new
term in Indian politics, bhakts.
Supporters, objective or otherwise, of Narendra Modi, are often ridiculed as
bhakts by many.
So, is this so-called bhakti new to Indian politics? Not
quite…
During Indira’s anti-democracy Emergency, countless
politicians and party workers were arrested, as was every courageous journalist
(including my father) was arrested. Newspapers still were published, but
reporting what the government wanted them to report.
What about the man who publicly and unashamedly declared the
Indira was as large as the entire country? He did so in 1974 and was the
following year became the president of INC.
What about sections of media ecstatic over Rajiv’s Prime
Ministership in 1984? He had no experience in administration, his Lok Sabha innings
was new, and he was made Congress president because he was Indira’s son. Why
did the voices that mattered not raise valid apprehensions about his
deliverability as a Prime Minister? And Rajiv did not live up to expectations
of the voters of India, with Bofors, Defamation Bill, handling the Shah Bano
case, not to mention multiple goof ups is his public statements. One must
credit some sections of the media for raising their voices, but the rest,
including the largest selling English daily, continued to be soft on him.
Mysterious Sonia’s ascent was generously aided by a
subservient media. Many famous faces of Indian media or our so-called liberals
and intellectuals haven’t even whimpered a protest over widowhood being the
primary criterion for her to become president of India’s oldest political
party, or her near brush with Prime Ministership and over her forming an
extra-constitutional NAC to advise the Union government. Such developments
should embarrass any mature democracy, but didn’t seem to stir the conscience
of many very visible Indians. No one in media has raised uncomfortable
questions about her late application for citizenship either.
What about the unrelenting attacks on Narendra Modi after
the 2002 riots? He has not
been found guilty of inciting Hindus, but the attacks by political
opponents, aided by sections of media, have sustained. Compare this with no
protests against the anti-Sikh pogrom Rajiv presided over in 1984.
Also etched in my memory is the embarrassing spectacle visible
in the first 8 minutes of this video on the occasion of
Sonia declining Prime Ministership in 2004. It’s worth noting that even before
Sonia declared that her “inner voice” prevents her from becoming Prime
Minister, the prominent members of her party were on their feet shouting
slogans supporting her. How on earth did these people know that she was going
to decline to be Prime Minister? Is it such an evolved form of bhakti that they
knew what their leader was going to say even before she said it? Also worth
watching are the appeals of aspiring ministers, complete with pumped up
emotions, in the embarrassing tamasha
– one was crying, another was begging her with folded hands, a third (an Ivy
Leaguer) forcefully insisting they (Congress) had vishwas in just her, no one else. Yet another equated her with
Mahatma Gandhi. All four became Union ministers just days later! Indeed, the
PMO was taking orders from Sonia, and the former Prime Minister is subservient
to the former and current Congress president to this day.
Talking about the president of the Congress, who believes
that he is Prime Minister material? Is he even worthy of the seat he occupies
in Lok Sabha? Does one recall even a memorable speech made by him in
Parliament, or outside? What is his vision for India? But over ten years ago,
India’s largest selling English daily had declared that he is slated to run the
country someday. Given his intellectual capability, can anyone have faith in
his Prime Ministership? If this isn’t blind devotion, what is? May also be worth recalling a former Union minister holding a pair of slippers for his future boss to wear. Less than a year later he became Chief Minister of Puducherry.
So, when the more sophisticated sections of Indian society
ridicule Modi followers, objective and blind, as bhakts, why do they ignore the
evolved bhakti of politicians, media professionals, “liberals” and
“intellectuals” towards the Nehru Gandhi family? Do they ridicule DK Barooah?
It was during Indira’s era that sections of media started to have hard
alignments towards her and her party. Do those ridiculing some journalists as Modi
bhakts today have harsh words for journalists who bent over backwards during
the Emergency? Do they ask hard questions of journalists who extended blind
support to a raw Rajiv as Prime Minister? Do they question the spinelessness of
Congress members who lie about their confidence in Sonia as Prime Minister? Do
they question the lack of objectivity and indeed the dishonesty in the sustained
campaign against Narendra Modi? Do many of those people who matter question
those in media who have formed a protective shield around the mother-son duo
since her formal entry into politics, irrespective of their unbecoming
utterances, conduct or even political failures? As for the aspiring Prime
Minister in the INC, his capability is known to everyone, but none of these
“liberals” and “intellectuals” are willing to say that the king has no clothes.
They also have no words of praise for Narendra Modi for anything, even when he
takes forward initiatives such as Aadhaar, which were started by UPA.
The disgraced owner of news portal Tehelka once wrote an open
letter which sets new standards in spineless subservience. He too was never
ridiculed for it. The same “liberals” found Tarun Tejpal too hot to handle only
after he was accused of raping one of his junior employees. But Tejpal’s bhakti
paid rich dividends even before he wrote this letter, as this
report reveals. Perhaps this was the driver behind his open
declaration of bhakti.
Why be a Bhakt at all?
In a democracy, everyone is entitled to select the politicians
they oppose, hate, support or worship. The last may not be the wisest choice,
but no law stops them from doing so. So why does support for Modi, objective or
otherwise, have to be ridiculed, while grovelling subservience towards members
of the Nehru-Gandhi family have to be celebrated? The answer probably is that
those who ridicule Modi supporters are Nehru-Gandhi family devotees themselves!
Or else they are people who do not have sufficient context and are largely
unaware of the reward-based Bhakti Movement Indira introduced in Indian politics.
Blind faith in any human may not always be desirable. Sometime or the
other, the worshipped will let their followers down, either because of
circumstances outside their control, or simply because they’re human. This is perhaps inevitable in the complicated world of
politics, where it's politicians that sustain, not gods or goddesses. As citizens and voters it's desirable for us to understand decisions and stands taken by politicians, political parties and governments by getting the right context, and take our own stands on them based on broader national interest, not illusion, certainly not blindness.
And perhaps it's most desirable to be committed to a set of values that can we can publicly support.
And perhaps it's most desirable to be committed to a set of values that can we can publicly support.
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Does Sonia's birthplace
matter?
The
Economic Times
June 1, 1999
June 1, 1999
K R Malkani
Sonia Gandhi Maino Gandhi has vowed to shed the
last drop of her blood for India. The lady is protesting her patriotism too
much. India is not her motherland, it is only her mother-in-law-land. She is
Indian if at all, only in law, and not in fact. Wearing a sari no more makes her
Indian than wearing a suit makes us English.
Italian law permits her to have dual citizenship;
Indian law does not. When Chandragupt Maurya married the daughter of Seleucus,
he made it clear that neither she nor her progeny will inherit the throne of
India. An Indian lady married an Italian film director and took Italian
citizenship.
Ten years later she wanted to contest a civic
election but was refused permission: she was not a proper Italian. And here an
Italian is presuming to become Prime Minister of India!
However, even more serious than her not being an
authentic Indian is the fact that nobody seem to know what Sonia is; whether
she has any social, political, economic thinking. She has never met the Press.
She has never written anything. Her life is a closed book. All that we know is
that she went from Italy to England to learn English and that she was working
in a restaurant in Cambridge while staying with a local family. When Rajiv fell
in love with her, Mrs. Gandhi was not too happy. Her love for India was so
great that she applied for India citizenship full fifteen years after her
marriage to Rajiv - that is after Sanjay was dead and the way to high office
had been opened to her husband. And she got herself registered as a voter three
years before she had even applied for citizenship. Earlier, even as a foreign
national, she had become Director Maruti Technical Services, in violation of
Indian law. She was also doing insurance business - and selling road-rollers -
from the Prime Minister's official residence, again violation of Indian law on
the subject.
Nor was that all. When 1971 Bangladesh Liberation
war was looming large on the horizon, and all IAF, IA and AI pilots' leaves had
been cancelled, Rajiv and Sonia flew off to Italy to avoid any duty in the war
sector. When Mrs. Gandhi lost the election in 1977, Sonia and her husband
abandoned Mrs. Gandhi and sought sanctuary in the Italian Embassy.
The Raisina Road plot was allotted to Congress to
build its Central Office there. That building - Javahar Bhawan -was illegally
taken over by Rajiv Foundation headed by Sonia Gandhi. Since then countless crores
have poured into the coffers of this Foundation from several public sector
undertakings.
Too little is known about her - and what little is
known, is not very flattering.
Her involvement with Bofors scandal through her
Italian friend Quattrocchi, is well known. Sten Lindstrom, head of Sweden's
National Bureau of Investigation, has said: "All information we had at the
time (1987-88) pointed to a Gandhi link. Sonia Gandhi should place her cards on
the table". She has not only not placed her cards on the table, she has
tried to topple every government that tried to dig into Bofors.
B. Raman who was intelligence chief in the, Cabinet
Secretariat under Rajiv, has said that "India has important national Security
interests in Italy because of its past arms, nuclear and technology supply relationships
with Pakistan and China" and that, therefore, were Sonia ever to become
India's Prime Minister, there would be "serious security and intelligence
concerns."
The objection to Sonia Gandhi is not rooted in just
her dubious citizenship but in the absolute unsuitability and utter impropriety
of this Sphinx in a Sari presuming to seize the Prime Ministership of India.
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